{"id":659,"date":"2016-04-13T15:18:42","date_gmt":"2016-04-13T13:18:42","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/?p=659"},"modified":"2016-04-13T15:19:32","modified_gmt":"2016-04-13T13:19:32","slug":"apocrypha-26-2015","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/apocrypha-26-2015\/","title":{"rendered":"Apocrypha 26 (2015)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Le volume 26 de la revue\u00a0Apocrypha<\/em> vient de para\u00eetre<\/a>. Vous trouverez ci-dessous le r\u00e9sum\u00e9 des articles.
\n<\/p>\n\n

\u00ab 6 Ezra and The Apocalypse of Thomas<\/i>. With a previously unedited \u201cinterpolated\u201d text of Thomas<\/i> \u00bb, par Charles D. Wright, p. 9-55<\/h2>\n

The earliest previously known quotations from 6 Ezra <\/i>are in the De excidio Britanniae <\/i>by the British writer Gildas, who was writing probably between 530 and 545. Hitherto unrecognized quotations occur, however, in the Longer (\u201cInterpolated\u201d) Version of The Apocalypse of Thomas<\/i>, which dates from the second half of the fifth century. A series of \u201cwoe oracles\u201d added in the Longer Version freely adapts a sequence of verses from 6 Ezra <\/i>and bears witness to a stage of transmission of 6 Ezra <\/i>prior to the traditional division into two recensions (the so-called \u201cFrench\u201d and \u201cSpanish\u201d recensions). One of the oracles that borrows wording from 6 Ezra <\/i>– a warning that those who marry in the endtimes will beget children into captivity and famine – has sometimes been regarded as reflecting Priscillianist encratism, but is instead a traditional prophetic element. An appendix to this article provides a semi-diplomatic edition of a recently discovered Longer Version of Thomas <\/i>in an eighth-century Kassel manuscript.<\/p>\n

Les plus anciennes citations connues jusque-l\u00e0 de 6 Esdras <\/i>se trouvent dans le De excidio Britanniae <\/i>de l\u2019Anglais Gildas, qui a probablement \u00e9crit entre 530 et 545. Cependant, des citations qui n\u2019ont pas \u00e9t\u00e9 reconnues jusqu\u2019\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent, se trouvent dans la version longue (\u00ab interpol\u00e9e \u00bb) de l\u2019Apocalypse de Thomas<\/i>, qui date de la seconde moiti\u00e9 du v<\/span>e<\/sup> si\u00e8cle. Une s\u00e9rie de \u00ab voeux de mal\u00e9diction \u00bb, ajout\u00e9e \u00e0 la version longue, adapte librement une suite de vers provenant de 6 Esdras <\/i>et t\u00e9moigne d\u2019une \u00e9tape de la transmission de 6 Esdras <\/i>ant\u00e9rieure \u00e0 la division traditionnelle en deux recensions (appel\u00e9es commun\u00e9ment les recensions \u00ab fran\u00e7aise \u00bb et \u00ab espagnole \u00bb). Un des oracles qui emprunte les mots de 6 Esdras <\/i>– un avertissement que ceux qui se marieront \u00e0 la fin des temps donneront naissance \u00e0 des enfants dans la captivit\u00e9 et la famine – a parfois \u00e9t\u00e9 interpr\u00e9t\u00e9 comme refl\u00e9tant l\u2019encratisme priscillianiste. Mais il s\u2019agit plut\u00f4t d\u2019un \u00e9l\u00e9ment proph\u00e9tique traditionnel. Un appendice \u00e0 cet article donne une \u00e9dition semi-diplomatique d\u2019une version longue de Thomas <\/i>r\u00e9cemment d\u00e9couverte dans un manuscrit du viii<\/span>e<\/sup> si\u00e8cle \u00e0 Kassel.<\/p>\n

\u00ab Deux t\u00e9moins in\u00e9dits de la Visio Pauli<\/i> \u00bb, par Rossana E. Guglielmetti, p. 57-78<\/h2>\n

The paper concerns two manuscripts of the Visio Pauli <\/i>so far unknown : Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conv. Soppr. I.II.37 (xii<\/span> c.) and Oxford, Lincoln College, lat. 27 E (xii<\/span>\/xiii<\/span> c.). Both texts are transcribed and compared with the ranking of the tradition proposed by Lenka Jirou\u0161kov\u00e1 in her edition in 2006 ; in both cases, this examination highlights some textual peculiarities worthy of attention.<\/p>\n

La contribution pr\u00e9sente deux manuscrits de la Visio Pauli <\/i>qui ont \u00e9chapp\u00e9 jusqu\u2019\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent aux r\u00e9pertoires : Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Conv. Soppr. I.II.37 (xii<\/span>e<\/sup> si\u00e8cle) et Oxford, Lincoln College, lat. 27 E (xii<\/span>e<\/sup>\/xiii<\/span>e<\/sup>si\u00e8cles). Le texte transmis par chacun des deux nouveaux t\u00e9moins est transcrit et mis en rapport avec le classement de la tradition manuscrite de la Visio <\/i>propos\u00e9 par Lenka Jirou\u0161kov\u00e1 dans son \u00e9dition de 2006 ; dans les deux cas, des singularit\u00e9s textuelles dignes d\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat permettent m\u00eame d\u2019interroger ledit classement.<\/p>\n

\u00ab Simbolismo ed escatologia nell\u2019Apocalisse apocrifa di Giovanni : un confronto con l\u2019Apocalisse canonica \u00bb, par Emanuela Valeriani, p. 79-101<\/h2>\n

This paper analyzes the Apocryphal Apocalypse of John <\/i>– better known as the First Apocryphal Apocalypse of John <\/i>– starting from the comparison with the canonical one with the aim of defining its social and cultural context that is still rather neglected among scholars together with its different textual forms. <\/p>\n

The investigation starts from the analysis of the literary genre, the symbolic language and the eschatological theology and immediately puts in evidence both, its predilection for the oracular dialogue, rather than visions, as a means of the divine revelation, and its theological position, based on the idea of a single universal resurrection, which introduces an antimillenarian eschatological representation. <\/p>\n

The absence of any reference to the Millennium, as it is represented in the canonical Apocalypse<\/i>, and the absence of the devil, as one of the protagonists of the final events, are peculiar elements of this text in which the eschatological enemy is represented by the antichrist. The detailed description of its appearance occupies the central part of the narrative and combines typical elements of the portraits of the antichrist widely used in Christian apocalypses. <\/p>\n

Due to the lack of clear historical, political and social references within the narrative, the dating of this text is still an open question. Taking into account all the proposals put forward so far, it seems convincing to consider the viii <\/span>century as the reliable period of composition, basically as a result of the use of a terminology which is not attested before the Iconoclasm, ????? ?????, but which is widely used during the controversy in defense of the veneration of the icons. Therefore, the presence of this expression must be considered as a fundamental element to identify the context of the origin of the Apocryphal Apocalypse of John<\/i>, but only after establishing a new critical edition that takes into account the entire manuscript tradition, it will be possible to give a definitive contribution in this sense.<\/p>\n

L\u2019articolo analizza l\u2019Apocalisse Apocrifa di Giovanni – <\/i>pi\u00f9 nota fra gli studiosi come Prima Apocalisse Apocrifa di Giovanni <\/i>– a partire dal confronto con quella canonica nel tentativo di definire il contesto di origine di un\u2019opera ancora poco studiata e di cui esistono forme testuali differenti. <\/p>\n

L\u2019indagine prende avvio dall\u2019analisi del genere letterario, del linguaggio simbolico e della teologia escatologica mettendo subito in evidenza, sia la predilezione per il dialogo oracolare rispetto alla visione come mezzo per la rivelazione divina, sia l\u2019impostazione teologica, fondata sull\u2019idea di un\u2019unica resurrezione universale, che propone una rappresentazione escatologica antimillenarista. <\/p>\n

La mancanza di qualsiasi riferimento al millennio, cos\u00ec come viene rappresentato nell\u2019Apocalisse <\/i>canonica, e l\u2019assenza della figura del diavolo tra i protagonisti degli avvenimenti finali sono certamente due elementi peculiari di questo testo dove l\u2019avversario escatologico \u00e8, invece, l\u2019anticristo. La descrizione dettagliata del suo aspetto occupa la parte centrale della narrazione e combina una serie di elementi tipici dei ritratti dell\u2019anticristo largamente attestati nelle apocalissi cristiane. <\/p>\n

Non vi sono nel testo riferimenti storici, politici e sociali evidenti ed \u00e8 proprio per questo che la questione della sua datazione \u00e8 tutt\u2019altro che risolta. Tenendo conto delle diverse ipotesi avanzate finora, si propone l\u2019viii <\/span>secolo come periodo di composizione soprattutto in considerazione dell\u2019uso di una terminologia non attestata prima della crisi iconoclasta, ????? ?????, ma largamente utilizzata nel corso della polemica a difesa della venerabilit\u00e0 delle icone. La sua presenza, dunque, appare un elemento decisivo per la comprensione del contesto di origine dell\u2019Apocalisse Apocrifa di Giovanni<\/i>, ma solo dopo aver stabilito un nuovo testo critico che tenga conto della tradizione manoscritta nella sua interezza si potr\u00e0 dare un contributo definitivo in tal senso.<\/p>\n

\u00ab Antecedents of the Feminine Imagery of Spirit in the <\/h2>\n

Acts of Thomas<\/h2>\n

\u00bb,par Susan E. Myers, p. 103-108<\/p>\n

The Acts of Thomas <\/i>is notable for its inclusion of prayers that identify the Holy Spirit as \u201cMother\u201d and that use other feminine imagery in speaking of her. This imagery develops language for the divine spirit known from the Hebrew tradition, and incorporates also the understandings of Wisdom from Hellenistic Judaism. The present essay notes how earlier references are developed in the Syriac-speaking Christianity seen in the Acts of Thomas<\/i>. In addition, the essay examines the possibility that concepts from the Hebrew tradition intersect with language used of goddesses in the region that produced the work, and explores the possibility that the link between these different religious traditions can be found in the figure of the second- and third-century Christian court philosopher Bardai?an.<\/p>\n

Les Actes de Thomas <\/i>sont remarquables parce qu\u2019ils contiennent des pri\u00e8res qui qualifient le Saint Esprit de \u201cM\u00e8re\u201d et qu\u2019ils recourrent \u00e0 d\u2019autres images f\u00e9minines pour parler de la \u201cM\u00e8re\u201d. Cette imagerie d\u00e9veloppe un langage pour l\u2019esprit divin d\u00e9j\u00e0 connu dans la tradition h\u00e9bra\u00efque et incorpore une compr\u00e9hension de la Sagesse issue du juda\u00efsme hell\u00e9nistique. Le pr\u00e9sent essai rel\u00e8ve comment les plus anciennes r\u00e9f\u00e9rences se sont d\u00e9velopp\u00e9es dans un milieu chr\u00e9tien de langue syriaque tel qu\u2019on peut le d\u00e9celer dans les Actes de Thomas<\/i>. De plus, les pages qui suivent examinent la possibilit\u00e9 que des concepts issus de la tradition h\u00e9bra\u00efque interagissent avec un langage sur les d\u00e9esses sp\u00e9cifique \u00e0 la r\u00e9gion qui a produit l\u2019\u00e6uvre ; elles explorent \u00e9galement la possibilit\u00e9 que le lien entre ces diff\u00e9rentes traditions religieuses puisse \u00eatre trouv\u00e9 dans la figure du philosophe chr\u00e9tien de cour des ii<\/span>e<\/sup>–iii<\/span>e<\/sup> si\u00e8cles, Bardesane.<\/p>\n

\u00ab Speaking Names in the Apocryphal Acts of John<\/i> \u00bb, par Boris Paschke, p. 119-149<\/h2>\n

The extant text of the apocryphal Acts of John <\/i>contains twenty-six names. The present article argues that more than half of these names, i.e<\/i>., sixteen names, fall into the category of so-called \u201cspeaking names.\u201d In scholarship on Greco-Roman comedy, the technical term \u201cspeaking names\u201d (sprechende Namen <\/i>; noms parlants<\/i>) is used for names that either reflect or contradict the scenic features of the respective characters. Most likely, the author of the Acts of John <\/i>was familiar with and employed this literary technique. The sixteen speaking names of the Acts of John <\/i>are detected and explained. On the basis of these speaking names, some theological, literary, historical, and translation-related conclusions regarding the Acts of John <\/i>as a whole are drawn.<\/p>\n

L\u2019article d\u00e9montre que plus de la moiti\u00e9 des vingt-six noms mentionn\u00e9s dans le texte transmis des Actes de Jean <\/i>appartiennent \u00e0 la cat\u00e9gorie de \u00ab noms parlants \u00bb (speaking names <\/i>; sprechende Namen<\/i>). Dans la recherche sur la com\u00e9die gr\u00e9co-romaine, ce terme technique d\u00e9signe des noms refl\u00e9tant ou contredisant les attributs sc\u00e9niques des personnages respectifs. L\u2019auteur des Actes de Jean <\/i>connaissait et employait cette technique litt\u00e9raire. Les seize noms parlants sont pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s et expliqu\u00e9s. De plus, l\u2019article en tire des conclusions \u00e0 propos de la th\u00e9ologie, du style litt\u00e9raire, de l\u2019historicit\u00e9 et de la traduction des Actes de Jean<\/i>.<\/p>\n

\u00ab Apocalyptic and metanoia in the Shepherd of Hermas \u00bb, par Dan Batovici, p. 151-170<\/h2>\n

The very inclusion of the Shepherd of Hermas <\/i>in the literary genre of apocalyptic has been disputed many times over, due in part to the prominence in its text of non-apocalyptic, largely moral material. This paper offers a survey of the apocalyptic features of this writing and then approaches the less apocalyptic material in the Shepherd<\/i>, usually omitted from such enquiries. The proposal will be put forward that, even beyond its apocalyptic frame, further apocalyptic features are embedded in the moral material in Hermas<\/i>, including a so-called \u201cinteriorized apocalyptic\u201d sui generis<\/i>. On the whole, the Shepherd <\/i>offers an instructive example of how the purpose of an early Christian work can modify its genre.<\/p>\n

L\u2019inclusion du Pasteur d\u2019Hermas <\/i>dans le genre litt\u00e9raire de l\u2019apocalyptique a \u00e9t\u00e9 plusieurs fois discut\u00e9e, en partie en raison de la pr\u00e9sence dans ce texte d\u2019\u00e9l\u00e9ments qui ne sont pas apocalyptiques mais plut\u00f4t moraux. Les pages qui suivent proposent, dans un premier temps, de lister les aspects du texte qui peuvent \u00eatre consid\u00e9r\u00e9s comme apocalyptiques, puis d\u2019\u00e9tudier les mat\u00e9riaux qui apparaissent comme \u00e9tant moins apocalyptiques et qui sont g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement omis dans de telles enqu\u00eates. L\u2019hypoth\u00e8se sera sugg\u00e9r\u00e9e que, au-del\u00e0 de la forme apocalyptique, des \u00e9l\u00e9ments apocalyptiques ont \u00e9t\u00e9 int\u00e9gr\u00e9s dans le material moral d\u2019Hermas<\/i>, incluant une \u00ab apocalyptique int\u00e9rioris\u00e9e \u00bb sui generis<\/i>. De mani\u00e8re g\u00e9n\u00e9rale, le Pasteur <\/i>offre un exemple instructif de la mani\u00e8re dont le but d\u2019un \u00e9crit chr\u00e9tien ancien a pu modifier son genre.<\/p>\n

\u00ab La tradition grecque de la liste d\u2019ap\u00f4tres \u201cAnonyme I\u201d (BHG<\/i> 153c), avec un appendice sur la liste BHG<\/i> 152n \u00bb, par Christophe Guignard<\/h2>\n

The Apostle list known as \u201cAnonymous I\u201d (BHG <\/i>153) is probably the first example of this kind of lists (as independent text). In 1907, Theodor Schermann published an anthology of Apostle lists, but, since he failed to recognize the Anonymous I as a list on its own right, this text did not find its way in his edition. The time has not yet come for a critical edition that would, beside the few known Greek manuscripts, also take into account the witness of the other Greek lists that stem form Anonymous I and of its ancient versions (in Latin and Ge?ez) ; in the meanwhile, the present article takes stock of the Greek direct tradition : it presents the Greek manuscripts, studies their relationships, and sketches the development of the Greek textual forms. It includes the text of the Greek manuscripts in synoptical form. An Appendix deals with the list BHG <\/i>152n, which represents a combination of the Anonymous I and an abbreviated list of the Disciples from the Pseudo-Dorothean tradition.<\/p>\n

La liste d\u2019ap\u00f4tres connue comme \u00ab Anonyme I \u00bb (BHG <\/i>153), qui est sans doute le plus ancien exemple de ce type de liste (en tant que texte ind\u00e9pendant), n\u2019a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 reconnue comme une liste autonome par Theodor Schermann et, par cons\u00e9quent, n\u2019a pas trouv\u00e9 sa place dans l\u2019anthologie de listes d\u2019ap\u00f4tres qu\u2019il a publi\u00e9e en 1907. En attendant une v\u00e9ritable \u00e9dition critique de ce texte, qui int\u00e8gre, outre le t\u00e9moignage des quelques manuscrits grecs connus, celui des listes grecques qui en d\u00e9rivent et des versions anciennes (en latin et en ge\u2018ez), cet article fait le point sur la tradition grecque directe : il pr\u00e9sente les manuscrits grecs, \u00e9tudie leurs relations et esquisse le d\u00e9veloppement des formes textuelles qu\u2019ils repr\u00e9sentent. Le texte des t\u00e9moins grecs de l\u2019Anonyme I est donn\u00e9 sous forme synoptique. Un appendice traite de la liste BHG <\/i>152n, qui combine l\u2019Anonyme I et une liste abr\u00e9g\u00e9e des disciples emprunt\u00e9e \u00e0 la tradition du Pseudo-Doroth\u00e9e.<\/p>\n

\u00ab The Book of Bartholomew<\/i> : A Coptic Apostolic Memoir \u00bb, par Alin Suciu, p. 211-237<\/h2>\n

The Book of Bartholomew <\/i>(= Liber Bartholomaei<\/i>) is one of the best-known apocryphal writings preserved in Coptic. The present article proposes that the text in question belongs to a peculiar genre of Coptic literature : the memoirs of the apostles. This category consists of reports attributed to the apostles concerning various topics, all related to Coptic piety and liturgical life. The literary parallels between the Book of Bartholomew <\/i>and the Coptic apostolic memoirs are amply documented in this article.<\/p>\n

Des \u00e9crits apocryphes conserv\u00e9s en copte, le Livre de Barth\u00e9lemy <\/i>(= Liber Bartholomaei<\/i>) est l\u2019un des plus connus. Le pr\u00e9sent article sugg\u00e8re que ce texte appartient \u00e0 un genre litt\u00e9raire sp\u00e9cifique de la litt\u00e9rature copte : les m\u00e9moires des ap\u00f4tres. Ce genre est constitu\u00e9 de r\u00e9cits attribu\u00e9s aux ap\u00f4tres sur diff\u00e9rents sujets en lien avec la pi\u00e9t\u00e9 copte et la vie liturgique. Les parall\u00e8les litt\u00e9raires entre le Livre de Barth\u00e9lemy <\/i>et les m\u00e9moires apostoliques coptes seront richement document\u00e9s.<\/p>\n

\u00ab The Recovery of the Lost Fragment preserving the Title of the Coptic Book of Bartholomew<\/i>. Edition and translation of Cornell University Library, Misc. Bd. MS. 683 \u00bb, par Alin Suciu, p. 239-259<\/h2>\n

The Coptic Book of Bartholomew<\/i>, also known as Liber Bartholomaei<\/i>, is preserved in several Sahidic manuscripts, all incomplete. Two of these originated in the famous library of the White Monastery in Upper Egypt. At a certain point, one of the fragments of these codices belonged to the French scholar Jean Doresse. The fragment in question has vanished, being known only by a photograph of its recto. This article shows that the Doresse fragment has resurfaced recently in the collection of Cornell University in Ithaca. The author documents its modern history, and analyzes its content for the first time. The article also includes an edition and English translation of the new fragment.<\/p>\n

Le Livre <\/i>copte de Barth\u00e9lemy<\/i>, connu aussi sous le titre de Liber Bartholomaei<\/i>, est conserv\u00e9 dans plusieurs manuscrits sahidiques, tous incomplets. Deux d\u2019entre eux proviennent de la biblioth\u00e8que du fameux Monast\u00e8re Blanc en Haute-\u00c9gypte. Un de ces fragments avait \u00e9t\u00e9 en possession du savant fran\u00e7ais Jean Doresse, puis il a disparu et n\u2019\u00e9tait plus connu que par une photographie du recto. Le pr\u00e9sent article montre que le fragment Doresse a refait surface r\u00e9cemment dans la collection de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 Cornell \u00e0 Ithaque. L\u2019auteur retrace son histoire r\u00e9cente et, pour la premi\u00e8re fois, analyse son contenu. L\u2019article inclut \u00e9galement une \u00e9dition et une traduction anglaise de ce nouveau fragment.<\/p>\n

\u00ab An Eighteenth-Century Manuscript : Control of the Scribal Hand in Clement\u2019s Letter to Theodore<\/i> \u00bb, par Timo S. Paananen et Roger Viklund, p. 261-297<\/h2>\n

This article discusses Morton Smith\u2019s role as a self-professed manuscript hunter in uncovering the only known copy of Clement\u2019s Letter to Theodore<\/i>, and critically assesses the existing studies on its handwriting. We argue that Stephen C. Carlson\u2019s analysis is flawed due to its dependence on distorted images, that Agamemnon Tselikas\u2019s study has a number of problems due to the unsuitability of applying standard palaeographic practices to a case of suspected deception, and that Venetia Anastasopoulou has made a sustainable case by arguing that Smith could not have imitated the difficult eighteenth-century script – a qualitative verdict strengthened by our quantitative study of the lack of signs of control. We conclude that the handwriting is indistinguishable from authentic eighteenth-century handwriting.<\/p>\n

Cet article discute le r\u00f4le de Morton Smith comme d\u00e9nicheur de manuscrits en raison de sa d\u00e9couverte de la seule copie de la Lettre de Cl\u00e9ment \u00e0 Th\u00e9odore, <\/i>et \u00e9value critiquement les \u00e9tudes pal\u00e9ographiques men\u00e9es sur cette copie. Nous estimons que l\u2019analyse de Stephen C. Carlson est hypoth\u00e9qu\u00e9e par la confiance excessive que ce pal\u00e9ographe accorde \u00e0 des photographies m\u00e9diocres, que l\u2019\u00e9tude d\u2019Agamemnon Tselikas pr\u00e9sente l\u2019inconv\u00e9nient de ne pas appliquer les crit\u00e8res pal\u00e9ographiques usuels dans le cas de faux, et que Venetia Anastasopoulou a produit une \u00e9tude solide, \u00e0 nos yeux, en argumentant que Smith ne pouvait pas avoir imit\u00e9 l\u2019\u00e9criture difficile du xviii<\/span>e<\/sup> si\u00e8cle – un verdict qualitatif renforc\u00e9 par notre \u00e9tude quantitative sur l\u2019absence de signes de contr\u00f4le. Nous parvenons \u00e0 la conclusion que l\u2019\u00e9criture du manuscript ne peut \u00eatre distingu\u00e9e d\u2019une \u00e9criture authentique du xviii<\/span>e<\/sup> si\u00e8cle.<\/p>\n

\u00ab Un cas particulier d\u2019apolog\u00e9tique appliqu\u00e9e : l\u2019utilisation des apocryphes pour authentifier le Mandylion d\u2019\u00c9desse et le suaire de Turin \u00bb, par Andrea Nicolotti, p. 301-331<\/h2>\n

Some apocryphal texts – read in a biased, superficial and uncritical way – have been used with an apologetic function to support the historicity and authenticity of certain relics that are said to come from the apostolic period. A significant example is that of the Holy Shroud of Turin, a medieval cloth ; the supporters of its authenticity believe that it was known to the authors of certain apocryphal texts, that its story is told in the Abgar cycle (where it would appear in the form of the cloth known as the Mandylion of Edessa) and that it is also recognisable in certain special iconographic representations.<\/p>\n

Certains textes apocryphes – lus de mani\u00e8re partielle, superficielle ou non critique – ont \u00e9t\u00e9 utilis\u00e9s dans le but apolog\u00e9tique de soutenir le caract\u00e8re historique et authentique de reliques que l\u2019on dit remonter \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque apostolique. Le Saint Suaire de Turin, un drap m\u00e9di\u00e9val, en est un exemple significatif : qui soutient son authenticit\u00e9 consid\u00e8re que les auteurs de certains textes apocryphes en connaissaient l\u2019existence, que son histoire est racont\u00e9e dans le cycle d\u2019Abgar (o\u00f9 il appara\u00eetrait sous la forme de la pi\u00e8ce de tissu connue sous le nom de Mandylion d\u2019\u00c9desse) et que l\u2019on peut aussi le reconna\u00eetre dans certaines repr\u00e9sentations iconographiques.<\/p>\n

Chronique : An Account of the York University Christian Apocrypha Symposium Series : \u201cFakes, Forgeries, and Fictions : Writing Ancient and Modern Christian Apocrypha\u201d (Held at Vanier College on September 24-26, 2015), par Bradley N. Rice, p. 333-345<\/h2>\n

This is the third and last in a series of symposia that have been held at York University (Toronto, Ontario, Canada) at which North American scholars have gathered to discuss the current issues affecting the study of Christian Apocrypha. It was organized by Tony Burke of York University and Brent Landau of the University of Texas at Aus- tin. Whereas the first two symposia respectively focused on the Secret Gospel of Mark and the current state of Christian Apocrypha research in North America, the theme of this year\u2019s symposium again turned to forgeries, inspired by the controversy surrounding the Gospel of Jesus\u2019 Wife as well as Bart Ehrman\u2019s recent work on forgery in antiquity.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Le volume 26 de la revue\u00a0Apocrypha vient de para\u00eetre. Vous trouverez ci-dessous le r\u00e9sum\u00e9 des articles.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1395,"featured_media":468,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_seopress_robots_primary_cat":"","_seopress_titles_title":"","_seopress_titles_desc":"","_seopress_robots_index":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-659","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-nouvelle-publication"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/659","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1395"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=659"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/659\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/468"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=659"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=659"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=659"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}