{"id":1007,"date":"2018-05-17T11:14:40","date_gmt":"2018-05-17T09:14:40","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/?p=1007"},"modified":"2018-05-17T11:14:40","modified_gmt":"2018-05-17T09:14:40","slug":"apocrypha-28-2017","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/apocrypha-28-2017\/","title":{"rendered":"Apocrypha 28 (2017)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Le volume 28 de la revue Apocrypha<\/em> vient de para\u00eetre<\/a>. Vous trouverez ci-dessous le r\u00e9sum\u00e9 des articles.
\n<\/p>\n\n

\u00ab The Acts of Andrew and Philemon<\/em> in Sahidic Coptic \u00bb, par Ivan Miroshnikov, p. 9-83<\/h2>\n

This article provides an edition of the Sahidic Coptic Acts of Andrew and Philemon<\/em>. In the introduction, the author surveys all known witnesses to the text of these acts, establishes the identity of their protagonist Philemon, and discusses the date and compositional history of the apocryphon. The author argues that there are two recensions of the text, a long and a short one, that the initial composition of the apocryphon should be assigned to either the fifth or the sixth century ce, and that the last of these acts is a later addition to the original text. The introduction is followed by the edition of all extant witnesses to the Coptic text. The article concludes with the English translation of all edited manuscripts, presented synoptically and accompanied by a commentary.<\/p>\n

Le pr\u00e9sent article fournit l\u2019\u00e9dition des Actes d\u2019Andr\u00e9 et de Phil\u00e9mon<\/em> en copte sahidique. Dans l\u2019introduction, l\u2019auteur passe en revue tous les t\u00e9moins connus du texte de ces Actes, \u00e9tablit l\u2019identit\u00e9 de leur protagoniste Phil\u00e9mon, puis discute la date et l\u2019histoire de la composition de cet apocryphe. L\u2019auteur d\u00e9montre l\u2019existence de deux recensions du texte, l\u2019une longue et l\u2019autre br\u00e8ve. Il estime que la composition de cet \u00e9crit doit remonter soit au ve soit au vie si\u00e8cle et que le dernier des Actes est une addition ult\u00e9rieure au texte original. L\u2019introduction est suivie de l\u2019\u00e9dition int\u00e9grale de tous les t\u00e9moins du texte copte. L\u2019article se termine par une traduction anglaise synoptique de tous les manuscrits \u00e9dit\u00e9s et des notes de commentaire.<\/p>\n

\u00ab Joseph d\u2019Arimathie, premier t\u00e9moin du Ressuscit\u00e9, protobaptis\u00e9, nouveau No\u00e9 : \u00c9tude des chapitres 12 \u00e0 16 des Actes de Pilate<\/em> \u00bb, par Anne-Catherine Baudouin, p. 85-122<\/h2>\n

Les chapitres 12 \u00e0 16 des Actes de Pilate<\/em> forment un ensemble coh\u00e9rent organis\u00e9 autour de la figure de Joseph d\u2019Arimathie, emprisonn\u00e9 par les juifs et lib\u00e9r\u00e9 miraculeusement par J\u00e9sus ressuscit\u00e9. Cette \u00ab histoire de Joseph d\u2019Arimathie \u00bb, attest\u00e9e dans d\u2019autres textes anciens, est quasi autonome par rapport \u00e0 la premi\u00e8re partie de l\u2019\u0153uvre. Elle est racont\u00e9e d\u2019abord du point de vue des juifs puis enrichie par trois discours de t\u00e9moins : les gardes qui rapportent la r\u00e9surrection, les trois rabbins qui attestent l\u2019ascension, et Joseph lui-m\u00eame qui fait le r\u00e9cit de sa lib\u00e9ration de prison. Les indications de temps pr\u00e9sentes dans les manuscrits grecs comme dans les diff\u00e9rentes versions des Actes de Pilate<\/em> montrent une chronologie chaotique des \u00e9v\u00e9nements : malgr\u00e9 leur abondance, il est difficile de situer relativement l\u2019emprisonnement de Joseph, sa lib\u00e9ration et la r\u00e9surrection ; cette confusion peut \u00eatre la trace de d\u00e9bats anciens sur le moment de la r\u00e9surrection, comme l\u2019est l\u2019importance particuli\u00e8re conf\u00e9r\u00e9e \u00e0 Joseph, pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 comme le premier t\u00e9moin de J\u00e9sus ressuscit\u00e9. Dans son discours final, Joseph raconte sa rencontre avec J\u00e9sus \u00e0 la mani\u00e8re d\u2019une sc\u00e8ne de bapt\u00eame dans laquelle, nouveau No\u00e9, il est le juste et le premier b\u00e9n\u00e9ficiaire de la Nouvelle alliance.<\/p>\n

Chapters 12 to 16 of the Acts of Pilate<\/em> form a coherent textual entity organised around the figure of Joseph of Arimathea, who is imprisoned by the Jews and miraculously liberated by the resurrected Jesus. This \u201cstory of Joseph of Arimathea\u201d, attested also in other ancient texts, is almost independent of the first part of the apocryphal work. It is presented, initially, from the point of view of the Jews, but later elaborated through three eye-witness accounts : by the guards who report on the resurrection, by the three rabbis who testify to the ascension, and by Joseph himself, who relates his release from prison. The indications of time given in the Greek manuscripts as well as in the Eastern and Latin versions project an inconsistent chronology of events : although numerous, they do not allow to establish unambiguous temporal relationships among Joseph\u2019s imprisonment, Jesus\u2019 resurrection, and Joseph\u2019s liberation. This chronological incoherence may be as much an echo of ancient arguments about the exact moment of the resurrection, as it is evidence of the special place given to Joseph as the first witness of the risen Jesus. In his final speech, Joseph narrates his encounter with Jesus as a baptismal scene in which he, like a second Noah, is the righteous one and the first beneficiary of the New Covenant.<\/p>\n

\u00ab Rebranding Iphigenia as Christian: Virgins in Ambrose\u2019s De Virginibus<\/em> and in the Apocryphal Passio Matthaei<\/em> \u00bb, par Anna Lefteratour, p. 123-154<\/h2>\n

Cet article explorera deux cas de r\u00e9ception de l\u2019Iphig\u00e9nie d\u2019Euripide dans l\u2019antiquit\u00e9 tardive \u00e0 travers les adaptations romanesques d\u2019Achilles Tatius et d\u2019H\u00e9liodore. Le premier texte est le De Virginibus <\/i>d\u2019Ambroise \u00e9crit \u00e0 Milan en 374, et le deuxi\u00e8me est la l\u00e9gende du martyre de Matthieu en \u00c9thiopie, le Passio Matthaei<\/i>, dont la date de composition pourrait remonter au vi<\/span>e<\/sup> si\u00e8cle ap. J-C. Je tenterai ici d\u2019entrer dans le monde du lecteur occidental entre le iv<\/span>e<\/sup> et le vi<\/span>e<\/sup> si\u00e8cle. J\u2019examinerai comment des r\u00e9cits chr\u00e9tiens anciens et des romans hell\u00e9nistiques ont influenc\u00e9 la forme du mythe d\u2019Iphig\u00e9nie dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive et comment les mythes classiques ont \u00e9t\u00e9 reconfigur\u00e9s et r\u00e9crits \u00e0 l\u2019intention d\u2019un public chr\u00e9tien.<\/p>\n

This paper sets to investigate two cases of a late antique reception of the Euripidean Iphigenia through the novelistic adaptations of her story by Achilles Tatius and of Heliodorus. The first test case is Ambrose\u2019s treatise De Virginibus <\/i>written in Milan in 374, and the second the legend of St. Matthew\u2019s martyrdom in Ethiopia, the Passio Matthaei<\/i>, dated in the sixth century ce<\/span>. My aim is to focus on the background of the readers of the fourth and the sixth century in the West. In the paper, I examine how early Christian narratives and the Greek novels influenced the late antique version of the Iphigenia myth and how classical myths were rebranded and rewritten for their late antique Christian audiences.<\/p>\n

\u00ab A Welsh Version of Visio Pauli<\/em>: Its Latin Source and the Translator\u2019s Contribution \u00bb, par Elena Parina, p. 155-186<\/h2>\n

This article undertakes a comparative analysis of the Middle Welsh version of Visio Pauli <\/i>transmitted in Oxford Jesus College MS. 119 in relation to its Latin analogues. According to Silverstein\u2019s stemmatic approach, the Latin text behind the Welsh translation belonged to Group D in Dwyer?s more recent classification ; it shows many characteristics of this group, but also lacks some significant markers. Following Jirou\u0161kov\u00e1?s alternative classification, the underlying Latin text as it can be reconstructed on the basis of the Welsh version, belongs to her C-group and has some features of the C3 group, but more parallels to C1 texts. On the basis of a number of features shared by all Welsh versions and a small group of Latin texts in manuscripts C5<\/sup>\/L7<\/sup>\/L8<\/sup> (belonging to C1 and D respectively), there are good reasons to argue that the original of the Welsh text was fairly close to them. The results of the comparison also allow to identify changes that the Latin text underwent in the course of the translation, with the caveat that the immediate source of the translation is not available. The most important changes are additions of formulae that can be explained as stylistic devices and some adaptions of content for the sake of the new Welsh audience.<\/p>\n

Cet article consiste en une analyse comparative de la version de la Visio Pauli <\/i>transmise en moyen gallois dans le manuscrit d\u2019Oxford Jesus College MS. 119 avec des versions latines. D\u2019apr\u00e8s l\u2019approche stemmatique de Silverstein, le texte latin qui est derri\u00e8re la traduction galloise appartient au groupe D de la classification plus r\u00e9cente de Dwyer ; il partage de nombreuses caract\u00e9ristiques de ce groupe, mais quelques-unes qui sont importantes manquent aussi. Si on se fonde sur la classification alternative que propose Jirou\u0161kov\u00e1, le texte latin, tel que l\u2019on peut le reconstruire \u00e0 partir de la version galloise, appartient au groupe C de Jirou\u0161kov\u00e1 ; il partage quelques caract\u00e9ristiques avec le groupe C3 mais comporte plus d\u2019\u00e9l\u00e9ments en commun avec les textes du groupe C1. Sur la base d\u2019un certain nombre de points communs \u00e0 toutes les versions galloises et \u00e0 un petit groupe de textes latins dans les manuscrits C5<\/sup>\/L7<\/sup>\/L8<\/sup> (qui appartiennent respectivement aux groupes C1 et D), il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que le texte gallois en est proche. Les r\u00e9sultats de la comparaison permettent aussi d\u2019identifier les changements que le texte latin a subis durant la traduction, avec le caveat <\/i>que la source imm\u00e9diate de la traduction n\u2019est pas disponible. Les modifications op\u00e9r\u00e9es par le traducteur lui permettent d\u2019adapter soit le style au gallois soit le contenu au nouvel auditoire gallois.<\/p>\n

\u00ab R\u00e9ception et fonctions des r\u00e9cits apocryphes dans la Josephina<\/em> de Jean Gerson \u00bb, par Isabel Iribarren, p. 187-229<\/h2>\n

Cet article examine la r\u00e9ception des r\u00e9cits apocryphes dans l\u2019\u0153uvre de Jean Gerson (1368-1429), chancelier de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Paris, en particulier dans son po\u00e8me \u00e9pique Josephina<\/i>, compos\u00e9e entre 1414 et 1417 au concile de Constance. Moins r\u00e9ceptif des \u00e9l\u00e9ments apocryphes que les compilateurs dominicains ou que ses devanciers dans la tradition de litt\u00e9rature d\u00e9votionnelle tardo-m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, le verdict de Gerson concernant la valeur des apocryphes reste \u00e9quivoque. D\u2019une part, il se h\u00e2te de condamner certains traits apocryphes qu\u2019il consid\u00e8re dangereux ou au mieux d\u00e9suets, lorsqu\u2019ils ne conviennent pas \u00e0 son agenda doctrinal (notamment \u00e0 propos de l\u2019\u00e2ge de Joseph et de son r\u00f4le dans l\u2019Histoire du salut) ; d\u2019autre part, Gerson accueille volontiers des sources extra-scripturaires, en l\u2019occurrence le Pseudo-Matthieu <\/i>et le Libellus de Nativitate Mariae, <\/i>lorsqu\u2019il s\u2019agit de l\u2019enfance de Marie et de son \u00e9ducation. Apr\u00e8s une analyse de la notion de \u00ab v\u00e9rit\u00e9 probable \u00bb, noyau de l\u2019ars poetica <\/i>gersonienne gouvernant sa reconstruction du r\u00e9cit biblique, l\u2019article d\u00e9bouche sur la question du statut de l\u2019\u00e9pop\u00e9e en tant que construction litt\u00e9raire. La Josephina <\/i>peut-elle \u00eatre consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme un r\u00e9cit apocryphe, compte tenu de ses m\u00e9canismes narratifs et de ses objectifs doctrinaux ?<\/p>\n

The article examines the reception of apocryphal narratives in the work of Jean Gerson (1368-1429), chancelor of Paris University, in particular in his epic poem Josephina<\/i>, composed between 1414 and 1417 at the Council of Constance. Less receptive of apocryphal elements than thirteenth-century Dominican compilators or other authors of late-medieval devotional literature, Gerson\u2019s verdict on the value of apocrypha remains equivocal. On the one hand, he is keen on condemning certain apocryphal features that he considers dangerous or at best obsolete, when they do not suit his doctrinal agenda (notably concerning Joseph\u2019s age and his role in the History of Salvation) ; on the other hand, Gerson shows to be quite receptive of extra-canonical sources, especially the Pseudo-Matthew <\/i>and the Libellus de Nativitate Mariae<\/i>, regarding Mary\u2019s early life and education at the Temple. After analysing the notion of \u201cprobable truth\u201d central to Gerson\u2019s ars poetica <\/i>and governing his reconstruction of the Biblical narrative, the article ends with the question of the poem\u2019s literary status : in its literary mechanisms and doctrinal objectives, should the Josephina <\/i>count as an apocryphal narrative ?<\/p>\n

\u00ab Notes on the History of Joseph<\/em> (CAVT 113, 114) and the Death of Joseph<\/em> (CAVT 116, 117) \u00bb, par Aaron Michael Butts, Kristian Heal, Geoffrey Moseley, Joseph Witztum, p. 233-237<\/h2>\n

\u00ab New Testament Apocrypha: More Noncanonical Scriptures \u00bb, par Gavin McDowell, p. 241-252<\/h2>\n

\u00c9tude critique (en anglais).<\/p>\n

Recensions<\/h2>\n

, p. 253-290<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Le volume 28 de la revue Apocrypha vient de para\u00eetre. Vous trouverez ci-dessous le r\u00e9sum\u00e9 des articles.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1395,"featured_media":468,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_seopress_robots_primary_cat":"","_seopress_titles_title":"","_seopress_titles_desc":"","_seopress_robots_index":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-1007","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-nouvelle-publication"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1007","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1395"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1007"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1007\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/468"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1007"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1007"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.unil.ch\/aelac\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1007"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}